Saturday, September 5, 2015

Decriminalizing Crack Cocaine


High Price: A Neuroscientist's Journey of Self-Discovery That Challenges Everything You Know About Drugs and Society (P.S.)
 
 

 


Carl Hart is an Associate Professor in the Departments of Psychology and Psychiatry at Columbia University. He is also a Research Scientist in the Division of Substance Abuse at the New York State Psychiatric Institute. Hart is a member of the National Advisory Council on Drug Abuse and on the board of directors of the College on Problems of Drug Dependence and the Drug Policy Alliance. A native of Miami, Florida, Dr. Hart received his B.S. in psychology at the University of Maryland, and received his M.S. and Ph.D. in experimental psychology and neuroscience at the University of Wyoming. He lives in New York City.
 
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Brazil Welcomes D. Carl Hart
By Julian Cola

Brazil's mythological ethos of racial democracy exhausted itself, again, last week. Dr. Carl Hart, neuroscientist and professor at Columbia University, was invited to São Paulo by the Brazilian Institute for Criminal Sciences in order to lecture about the war on drugs and how it marginalizes and excludes blacks and poor people from society. The media went into a titillating frenzy before he uttered a single word because he had been, supposedly, barred from the Tivoli Moffarej. The five-star hotel's PR machine quickly rebuked the accusation by releasing inaudible video footage showing Dr. Hart going straight to the toilet upon his arrival and circulating on hotel premises without incident.

Their guest later corroborated the story in an online interview, adding that he was approached by conference organizers as soon as he came out of the restroom. They apologized because, as he entered the hotel, a security guard, believing that a dreadlocked black man had ventured far beyond his designated confines, was about to approach him. However, Dr. Hart clarified that his entrance to the hotel was uneventful and all of the energy that was used to express sorrow and regret over an incident that never happened, should instead be used to address serious racial problems that continue to plague Brazilian society.

I can't imagine another place on the face of this earth that prides itself more on racial diversity than Brazil. Even the United States' post-racial fairytale has worn thin as the Black Lives Matter campaign sweeps the country. Now, that's not to say that Brazil is not diverse. African, Tupí-Guarani, Portuguese and other European contributions to the country's sociocultural aesthetics are undeniable. However, this argument reeks foul as it's subsumed under the canopy of racial democracy.

Heralded into the public imagination at the turn of the nineteenth century, dominant white society couldn't have found a better cliché ally that veiled and nullified legitimate claims of institutionalized racism. It was conceptually part and parcel of maintaining Brazil's hyper-stratified society, tactfully detruding and keeping Afro-Brazilians at the very bottom of the socioeconomic totem pole.

In recent years, the Brazilian government has implemented higher education and television quotas for Afro-Brazilians, slightly increasing their enrollment in public and private universities and presence on TV screens. The Folha de São Paulo, one of Brazil's most influential and widely read newspapers, responded by producing a video stating why the organization doesn't support quotas. Earlier this year Amnesty International released a report stating that mainly young and black residents of favelas (shanty towns), rural workers and indigenous peoples were at particular risk of human rights violations.

Also this year, Ban Ki-moon, the United Nations Secretary General stated that 50,000 people are killed in Brazil every year. A joint study released by the UNESCO, the Latin American Social Sciences Institute, and the Brazilian government revealed that, of those deaths, black people were 142 percent more likely to be targeted.

A major Brazilian television station reported the findings but excluded the exorbitantly high percentage of black victims. In 2013, Cuban doctors arrived in Brazil as part of a program called Mais Médicos (More Medics). Their mission was to attend to the needs of economically impoverished and secluded communities, areas that had been historically ignored by Brazilian doctors, an overwhelming majority of whom are, inevitably, privileged white men and women.

Upon the arrival of Cuban doctors in the state of Ceará, hordes of Brazilian doctors lined the airport terminals and chanted, “slaves” and other epithets at the black medics who had come to help. So powerful is the idea of racial democracy that it also impacts the viewpoints of some Afro-Brazilians.

Once, while in the northeast of Brazil, I spoke with a young black man about the dynamics of society and power. He chided my innuendos linking access to resources to an elite, white monopoly. Fatigued by our cat and mouse debate, I bluntly stated that we cannot ignore the fact that these individuals control the upper echelons of political and economic power in this country. He immediately countercharged that some black people can be just as racist as white people. Our discussion ended and my dear fellow returned to his impoverished community, home to many black people.

Ironically, Dr. Hart's main purpose of traveling to Brazil was overshadowed by the viral trivialization of an event that, seemingly (seemingly), never occurred. An outcry of regret and apologies followed but he declined to accept. He had seen and heard enough, refusing to be hoodwinked by the sexy lore of racial democracy. Even his lecture, shortly before it got underway, profiled the confluence between the war on drugs and racism.

As everybody gathered in the auditorium, strange sensations must have converged upon him. The audience settled into their seats. The guest speaker opened his discussion by saying (this is my translation from what was reported in several Brazilian media outlets) “Look beside you—do you see how many black people are here? You should be ashamed of yourself.” In an audience of roughly one thousand people, mainly criminal lawyers and judges, Dr. Hart only saw two or three black people.

 
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Carl Hart: Brasil ignora desigualdade social no combate às drogas
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z1XFh1oLaI0

 Carl Hart: Crack - É possível entender
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zTX7880gpZ4

 
 

High Price: A Neuroscientist's Journey of Self-Discovery That Challenges Everything You Know About Drugs and Society (P.S.)

By Carl Hart

High Price is the harrowing and inspiring memoir of neuroscientist Carl Hart, a man who grew up in one of Miami’s toughest neighborhoods and, determined to make a difference as an adult, tirelessly applies his scientific training to help save real lives.

Young Carl didn't see the value of school, studying just enough to keep him on the basketball team. Today, he is a cutting-edge neuroscientist—Columbia University’s first tenured African American professor in the sciences—whose landmark, controversial research is redefining our understanding of addiction.

In this provocative and eye-opening memoir, Dr. Carl Hart recalls his journey of self-discovery, how he escaped a life of crime and drugs and avoided becoming one of the crack addicts he now studies. Interweaving past and present, Hart goes beyond the hype as he examines the relationship between drugs and pleasure, choice, and motivation, both in the brain and in society. His findings shed new light on common ideas about race, poverty, and drugs, and explain why current policies are failing.


 

 
 

 

Thursday, May 14, 2015

Sadism and the Southern White Man


A Great American Protest Novel

 Jerry W. Ward, Jr.


 
 
“There is in Southern white man, distributed almost as thickly as the dialect,” James Agee wrote in 1936, “an epidemic capability of sadism which you would have to go as far to match and whose chief basis is possibly, but only possibly, and only one among many, a fear of the Negro, deeper and more terrible than any brief accounting can suggest or explain.  The flaw of sadism can turn its victims loose into extremities which the gaudiest reports have only begun to suggest” (223-224). 
 
 
Cotton Tenants: Three Families by James Agee

These surgical words come from the conclusion of “Cotton Tenants: Three Families,” a report Fortune magazine would not publish. Cotton Tenants did not see print until 2013. Agee indicted his race in a way his race dared not acknowledge, for to have done so would have been tantamount to staring into Medusa’s eyes.  Agee’s people understood that “Southern white man” was identical with “American man” and that “fear of the Negro” was a sly allusion to a Yankee idea represented through a Spanish character in Herman Melville’s “Benito Cereno.”

Agee knew his race well.  So too did F. Scott Fitzgerald, Lillian Smith, Erskine Caldwell, Tennessee Williams, Eudora Welty, William Faulkner, and Flannery O’Connor, tattling about the foibles and flaws of the race.  Faulkner and O’Connor outdid their contemporaries in creating secular and religious mythopoeia, moving Agee’s hurtful truth into a zone of protective aesthetics.  If Agee’s classic Now Let Us Praise Famous Men (1941) stands as nonfiction protest against Southern wretchedness and American economic injustice, Cotton Tenants helps us to identify its rightful heirs in the lines of protest fiction. 

One of them is The Sacrifice (New York: HarperCollins, 2015) by Joyce Carol Oates. In her 41st novel, Oates deserves respect for protesting “the flaw of sadism” in her race. She is to be applauded for writing a great American protest novel. As chilling as the 1958 film “Touch of Evil,” directed by Orson Welles, The Sacrifice is set in 1987, the year we witnessed the tragedy of Tawana Brawley.  Or maybe the profound tragedy of Brawley was watching us.  In post-whatever time and space, it is difficult to say who is gazing at whom.  In this sure uncertainty, it is amusing to think that Oates may have reread Friedrich Nietzsche’s proposition #183 from The Will to Power before writing The Sacrifice:

“The symbolism of Christianity is based upon that of Judaism, which had already transfigured all reality (history, Nature) into a holy and artificial unreality—which refused to recognize real history, and which showed no more interest in a natural course of things.”

Oates seems to have intimate knowledge both of the banality of evil and of its consummate absurdity, of its power to rip apart the delicate ironies and nuances which give her most recent novel its significance. In the “Afterword,” Oates emancipates the cat from the bag, asserting that “The Special New York State Grand Jury Report” in the Tawana Brawley Case (October 7, 1988) was of special interest to her.  And with emancipation comes a fine turn of the screw. 
 

 
The Sacrifice by Joyce Carol Oates
 
 
The record of progress in the American Dream from reports on the lynching of Emmett Till to the latest story on which racial bullet murdered which unarmed, non-white American male is the foundation for The Sacrifice.  Oates’s characters are truly the extremities spawned by the flaw of sadism.  A shock of recognition comes from considering, after giving passionate attention to the novel, that all Americans are infected by one version or another of the flaw.  Joyce Carol Oates has succeeded in writing a remarkable instance of the American protest novel.  I recommend The Sacrifice to readers who are brave enough to make peace with the agony and the honesty.

 
 May 12, 2015


 

 




 

 

 

 

 
 

Police Occupy Black Communities

Report on Ferguson police

 



 
11 alarming findings in the report on Ferguson police

By Anna Brand and Amanda Sakuma
3 April 2015

The Department of Justice released a scathing, 102-page report in full on Wednesday, condemning the Ferguson Police Department of routinely violating the constitutional rights of African-Americans living in the St. Louis suburb. The months-long investigation unearthed instances of when money and racial bias factored into the police department’s unlawful activities – here’s a small window into what investigators found:

1.  Issuing citations was a competition for some officers

“Issuing three or four charges in one stop is not uncommon in Ferguson. Officers sometimes write six, eight, or, in at least one instance, fourteen citations for a single encounter. Indeed, officers told us that some compete to see who can issue the largest number of citations during a single stop.”

2. City officials solicit more police citations to boost revenue

In March 2010, the City Finance Director wrote to Chief Jackson: “unless ticket writing ramps up significantly before the end of the year, it will be hard to significantly raise collections next year … Given that we are looking at a substantial sales tax shortfall, it’s not an insignificant issue.” In March 2013, the Finance Director wrote to the City Manager: “Court fees are anticipated to rise about 7.5%. I did ask the Chief if he thought the PD could deliver 10% increase. He indicated they could try.”

3. Officers would occasionally arrest and/or stop African-Americans with no reason

“From a July 2013 incident in which a police officer came across an African-American man on the way to arrest someone else in an apartment building and ended up cuffing the first man “without reasonable suspicion”: “Ignoring the central fact that they had handcuffed a man and put him in a police car despite having no reason to believe he had done anything wrong, a sergeant vigorously defended FPD’s actions, characterizing the detention as “minimal” and pointing out that the car was air conditioned.”

“In another example from the report: An African-American man recounted to us an experience he had while sitting at a bus stop near Canfield Drive. According to the man, an FPD patrol car abruptly pulled up in front of him. The officer inside, a patrol lieutenant, rolled down his window and addressed the man”:

Lieutenant: Get over here.

Bus Patron: Me?

Lieutenant: Get the f*** over here. Yeah, you.

Bus Patron: Why? What did I do?

Lieutenant: Give me your ID.

Bus Patron: Why?

Lieutenant: Stop being a smart ass and give me your ID.


4. Ferguson officers aren’t writing up their reports, and no one is checking

“FPD supervisors are more concerned with the number of citations and arrests officers produce than whether those citations and arrests are lawful or promote public safety. Internal communications among command staff reveal that FPD for years has failed to ensure even that officers write their reports and first-line supervisors approve them … In 2014, the official had the same complaint, remarking on 600 reports that had not been approved over a six-month period. Another supervisor remarked that coding errors in the new records management system is set up “to hide, do away with, or just forget reports.”

5. Literally everyone is “WANTED”

“FPD and other law enforcement agencies in St. Louis County use a system of “wanteds” or “stop orders” as a substitute for seeking judicial approval for an arrest warrant. When officers believe a person has committed a crime but are not able to immediately locate that person, they can enter a “wanted” into the statewide law enforcement database, indicating to all other law enforcement agencies that the person should be arrested if located.”

“Instead of swearing out a warrant and seeking judicial authorization from a neutral and detached magistrate, officers make the probable cause determination themselves and circumvent the courts. Officers use wanteds for serious state-level crimes and minor code violations alike, including traffic offenses. FPD command staff express support for the wanted system, extolling the benefits of being able to immediately designate a person for detention. But this expedience carries constitutional risks.”

6. Ferguson officers are confused about the First Amendment

“FPD arrests people for a variety of protected conduct: people are punished for talking back to officers, recording public police activities, and lawfully protesting perceived injustices.”

7. Ferguson officers are using unnecessary force against the mentally ill

“FPD records suggest a tendency to use unnecessary force against vulnerable groups such as people with mental health conditions or cognitive disabilities, and juvenile students … Ferguson is currently in litigation against the estate of a man with mental illness who died in September 2011 after he had an ECW deployed against him three times for allegedly running toward an officer while swinging his fist.”

8. Uncovered emails written by Ferguson officials about President Barack Obama, Michelle Obama are racist

“A November 2008 email stated that President Barack Obama would not be President for very long because “what black man holds a steady job for four years.”

“An April 2011 email depicted President Barack Obama as a chimpanzee.”

“An October 2011 email included a photo of a bare-chested group of dancing women, apparently in Africa, with the caption, “Michelle Obama’s High School Reunion.”

9. If you’re a mayor or employee of the court, no tickets for you!

“Court records and emails show City officials, including the Municipal Judge, the Court Clerk, and FPD supervisors assisting friends, colleagues, acquaintances, and themselves in eliminating citations, fines, and fees.”

Some examples:

“In November 2011, a court clerk received a request from a friend to “fix a parking ticket” received by the friend’s coworker’s wife. After the ticket was faxed to the clerk, she replied: “It’s gone baby!”

“In March 2014, a friend of the Court Clerk’s relative emailed the Court Clerk with a scanned copy of a ticket asking if there was anything she could do to help. She responded: “Your ticket of $200 has magically disappeared!”

10. Police shoved a 15-year-old African-American girl into a locker

“In November 2013, a [School Resource Officer] charged a ninth grade girl with several violations after she refused to follow his orders to walk to the principal’s office. The student and a classmate, both 15-year-old African-American girls, had gotten into a fight during class. When the officer responded, school staff had the two girls separated in a hallway. One refused the officer’s order to walk to the principal’s office, instead trying to push past staff toward the other girl. The officer pushed her backward toward a row of lockers and then announced that she was under arrest for Failure to Comply.”

11. SEND IN THE DOGS!

 


“They also release canines on unarmed subjects unreasonably and before attempting to use force less likely to cause injury.”

“In December 2011, officers deployed a canine to bite an unarmed 14-year-old African-American boy who was waiting in an abandoned house for his friends … … The officer peeked into the space and saw the boy, who was 5’5” and 140 pounds, curled up in a ball, hiding. According to the officer, the boy would not show his hands despite being warned that the officer would use the dog. The officer then deployed the dog, which bit the boy’s arm, causing puncture wounds.”

“By the canine officer’s own account, he saw the boy in the closet and thus had the opportunity to assess the threat posed by this 5’5” 14 year old. Moreover, there were no exigent circumstances requiring apprehension by dog bite. Four officers were present and had control of the scene.”

“According to the boy, with whom we spoke, he never hid in a storage space and he never heard any police warnings. He told us that he was waiting for his friends in the basement of the house, a vacant building where they would go when they skipped school. The boy approached the stairs when he heard footsteps on the upper level, thinking his friends had arrived. When he saw the dog at the top of the steps, he turned to run, but the dog quickly bit him on the ankle and then the thigh, causing him to fall to the floor. The dog was about to bite his face or neck but instead got his left arm, which the boy had raised to protect himself. FPD officers struck him while he was on the ground, one of them putting a boot on the side of his head. He recalled the officers laughing about the incident afterward.”

 


PLUS: Critical statistics uncovered in the report 

  • “Despite making up 67% of the population, African Americans accounted for 85% of FPD’s traffic stops, 90% of FPD’s citations, and 93% of FPD’s arrests from 2012 to 2014.”
  • “African Americans are 2.07 times more likely to be searched during a vehicular stop but are 26% less likely to have contraband found on them during a search. They are 2.00 times more likely to receive a citation and 2.37 times more likely to be arrested following a vehicular stop.”
  • “African Americans have force used against them at disproportionately high rates, accounting for 88% of all cases from 2010 to August 2014 in which an FPD officer reported using force.”
  • “African Americans account for 95% of Manner of Walking charges; 94% of all Fail to Comply charges; 92% of all Resisting Arrest charges; 92% of all Peace Disturbance charges; and 89% of all Failure to Obey charges.”
  • ”African Americans are 68% less likely than others to have their cases dismissed by the Municipal Judge, and in 2013 African Americans accounted for 92% of cases in which an arrest warrant was issued.”
  • “African Americans account for 96% of known arrests made exclusively because of an outstanding municipal warrant.”
 
In conclusion, Ferguson officers are violating federal law

“This data shows that police and court practices impose a disparate impact on black individuals that itself violates the law. Title VI and the Safe Streets Act prohibit law enforcement agencies that receive federal financial assistance, such as FPD, from engaging in law enforcement activities that have an unnecessary disparate impact based on race, color, or national origin.”


 

Sunday, April 26, 2015

Nigerian Elections 2015



Morality and Integrity in Party Politics in Nigeria
By Dr. S. Okechukwu Mezu



The Presidential, national Assembly, gubernatorial and state assembly elections of 2015 have come and gone. They were not perfect but with few unfortunate exceptions here and there, including the very regrettable violence leading to loss of lives and other anti-democratic activities, they were the closest Nigeria had come to a free and fair election. The nation is definitely maturing in its electoral journey since 1999.

For instance, as early as December 2006, Nigerians knew and the world confirmed it that the government and INEC (Independent National Electoral Commission) would not be ready for the election. As pointed out by Pierre-Richard Prosper, a former US Ambassador-at-Large for War Crime Issues, who led a ten-man delegation from the International Republican Institute (IRI), Washington D. C that spent one week in Nigeria to assess the country’s readiness for a free and fair election in April, 2007. He observed that with only two weeks remaining before registration deadline, less than half of the machines and only 3.5 million of the potential 60 million eligible voters had been registered.  Furthermore, INEC’s noble and ambitious goal of implementing a cutting edge system to deter the past fraud in the registration efforts was turning problematical. Dr. Maurice Iwu, INEC Chairman claimed to have awarded about 1000 contracts for the election supplies including the introduction of the Direct Data Capture Machine(DDC), that was “to prevent all loopholes that existed in the past for fraudulent politicians to rig elections.”  The DDC machines were neither available for registration purposes nor for the actual election.

Warnings came from at home and abroad, including from the Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Mohammad Sa'ad Abubakar III, who on March 15, 2007 in Kaduna described the INEC as “unserious and ill-prepared for the April 2007 general elections,” and warned about the dangers of a failed transition program and characterized the INEC’s efforts as being tantamount to “manifest un-seriousness.” The Nigerian Elections of 2007 turned out to be a chronicle of shame and deceit: shame to the country and deceit of the population. One CIA agent in a moment of unguarded indiscretion or blunt honesty quipped that: “No country of this [Nigeria’s]size and financial structure has much to say about its operation. The big money-men of the world who decide whether to invest or not; and the big governments of the world who decide whether or not to give aid, run just as much of Nigeria (or maybe more) than the Nigerians.”

Today we live in a global village complicated by events in other parts of the world.  The Nine-Eleven tragedy in America had hardened the attitude of the former colonial masters and the United States.  Life has become a serious matter of survival.  Irrespective of the government in power in America and the Western world, the economy must be fueled. The millions of vehicles in the Western world must be fueled; the houses need heat; electricity is taken for granted.  Every second in life needs oil to function. There are no sentiments about this. It is a matter of survival. The Mid-Eastern oil has become problematic with the posture of Iran, the debacle in Iraq, the intractable problems between Israel and Palestine, the fragility and nervous vulnerability of Saudi Arabia. The western world does not care what sort of government is in power in Nigeria as long as the flow of Nigeria’s sweet crude oil continues whether through the black or white market.  The illegitimate devil you think you know that came to power through undemocratic means is better that a legitimate democratically elected government whose tomorrow is unpredictable to the West and possibly inimical to its interests.
Democracy and government of the people by the people for the people has never been donated as a gift to the people. No it was not so in France in the eighteenth century; neither was that the case in Britain with the Monarchy. Even colonial America had to fight the British government not the people for their independence and democracy. Any Nigerian who believes that the Western world and foreign countries will fight to install democracy in Nigeria for Nigerians is living in a volcanic fool’s paradise. The rigging of Nigerian elections in 1963 was child’s play compared to the rigging in 1983 and each one was followed by a military take-over.  The rigging in 1999 was out of the playing field when placed side by side with that of 1983.  Because Nigerians accepted the election sham of 1999, the players of the political parties perfected the rigging and killing and maiming in 2003.

Many of the present civilian governments of Nigeria on the Local, State and National levels have failed the people woefully. The hope that Nigeria’s civilian leaders would accomplish for the nation what military rulers hungry for adulation at home and meteoric respect abroad failed to achieve has been dashed. Nigeria continues to be buffeted by the very same pressures and centrifugal forces that led to the demise of the regimes of Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, General Aguiyi Ironsi, General Gowon, General Murtala Muhamed, Alhaji Shehu Shagari, Generals Buhari and Idiagbon, General Babangida and General Sanni Abacha. Any Government that comes to power without the will and concurrence of the people is doomed to failure.The eventual security and salvation of the individual Nigerian and the individual component ethnic groups in Nigeria lie not in the disintegration of the country and/or ethnic control of the sector’s natural resources, but in the eventual further amalgamation of the component elements of black Africa under a government of the people for the people  where the resources of the whole are used for the benefit of the many and not expropriated by the few for abuse by privileged aliens and non indigenes. This is a task Nigerians and Africans alone can and must do.

The Presidential Elections of 2011

The 2011 Elections was a repeat of the electoral farce of 2007. Two examples will suffice. I contested as a deputy gubernatorial candidate for CPC in Imo State, Nigeria in 2011.

(a)   During the Presidential elections, 734 votes for the CPC Presidential candidate in one Ikeduru polling station metamorphosed to 34 by the time it reached the Local government collation center and further became 4 votes for candidate Buhari at the Imo State Central Collation center.

(b)   Following the 2011 presidential elections, I was in the office of the then State Commissioner of Police’s to secure the release of one of our polling agents, a young married with four children from Ohaji who tried to stop the presiding officer, the police and PDP polling agents from openly thumb-printing ballot papers for PDP. They were being given out in batches of twenty ballot papers. He risked his live after severally warning them. He snatched from the presiding officer a batch of twenty ballot papers destined for further thumb-printing as evidence and ran out of the polling booth. They called for police reinforcement and he was arrested for ballot snatching, mercilessly beaten, stripped naked and locked up in Owerri police detention station. This incident was widely reported on the internet immediately to the extent that INEC in Abuja sought clarification from Imo State about what happened. After I explained the situation to the State Commissioner of Police, he could not control his laughter and almost fell off his chair. He ordered the immediate release of the young man and the interrogation of all those involved. He wanted to handle the matter himself. While in the office a phone call came from Abuja, complaining that the Presidential votes ascribed to PDP from Imo State exceeded the number of registered voters. They required the State Commissioner of Police to fly to Abuja immediately with the corrected results that showed total votes that are less than the number of registered voters.

The main reason for some improvement in the running of 2015 general elections was the insistence on the use of the Permanent Voters Card (PVC). The use of PVC led to a decrease in the number of eligible voters. The number of eligible voters dropped from 67,422,005 voters to the only 56,431,255 who collected, or were able to collect, their PVC that would enable them to vote. In the 2015 presidential election approximately there were 31,746,490 accredited voters from these eligible voters’ group. The total number of votes cast was 29,432,083. The rejection of 844,519 votes brought the number of valid votes to 28,587,564. Out of this number, APC General Buhari scored 15,424,921 votes to President Jonathan’s 12,853,162 votes. The other twelve candidates shared the remaining votes. In the case of the 2011 presidential election, by January/February 2011, INEC had registered over 73.5 million voters and had registered also 63 political parties. In the actual election these were the scores of the leading political parties and their candidates.

Candidates
Parties
Votes
%
22,495,187
58.89
12,214,853
31.98
  2,079,151
   5.41
      917,012
   2.40
Source: INECnigeria.org


In the actual so-called election, President Goodluck Jonathan of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) thus scored 22,495,187 votes to General Buhari’s 12,214,853. The valid votes cast were quoted by INEC as 39,469,484 with 1,259,506 as invalid votes. The turn-out was put at 53%.  When compared with the 2015 election figures of 67,422,005 registered voters and the figure of 56,431,255 who collected their PVC and the actual number (29,432,083) of people who voted, one can deduce that the rigging in 2011 surpassed the worst fears of many. Like the 2007 election, it could be said quoting, the 2007 Movement of the Nigeria House of Representatives that: “[By] any standard, this election cannot be called free, or fair, much less credible. It was a predetermined systematically orchestrated exercise that was out to return the ruling party at all cost. The barbarism, violation, etc, were as outrageous as they were unprecedented.” Foreign election observers and observers from Nigeria have confirmed that that was probably the worst election ever not only in Nigeria but in the history of electoral democracy. The electoral crimes ranged from the stuffing of ballot boxes, to the hijacking of ballot papers.  Several polling stations were not opened.  The ones that opened had no ballot boxes. During the gubernatorial and state assembly elections, many people lost their lives; there was thuggery and burning and intimidation using state security services which was unleashed to stymie opposition. 

In that Presidential election, it was then adduced that more than seventy percent of the sixty million ballot papers (printed in South Africa at the very last minute by INEC for the Presidential election) were deliberately abandoned in the cargo wing of the airport in Johannesburg, South Africa. This means that about eighteen million ballot papers only were delivered in Nigeria for the sixty million prospective registered voters.  Since these arrived in Nigeria on the very night before the election, how were those delivered to the nooks and corners of Nigeria’s 923,768 square kilometers stretching from the Gulf of Guinea and Atlantic Ocean (Bights of Benin and Biafra) to areas bordering with Cameroon in the East and Chad in the North-East, Niger in the North, and Benin Republic to the West? How were these ballot papers and election materials delivered over night to the low coastal zone, the hills and plateaus of the Center, to the mountainous zones of the East, some between 1,200 and 2,042 meters high and this including the riverine areas of the Delta region and the impassable gullies of the hinterland.




General Buhari – a constant in Nigerian presidential elections

General Muhammadu Buhari has been the one constant in Nigerian presidential elections since 2003. He has also brought morality and integrity into Nigeria’s political landscape. He contested the presidential election in 2003 on the platform of All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP) and was defeated by President Obasanjo with over eleven million votes margin.  Again he was nominated as the presidential candidate of the All Nigeria People’s Party for the 2007 election to contest against Umaru Yar’Adua, the candidate of the PDP. The April 2007 elections awarded the PDP presidential candidate 70% of the votes and 18% to General Buhari. These results were flatly unacceptable and not based on voting or on reality. The results were rejected by General Buhari. On invitation by the Yar’Adua government, following the election, the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP) agreed to join the government, but Buhari denounced this betrayal and accommodation and in March 2010. Buhari left the ANPP and helped form a new party, the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), to pursue his ideal of progressive change in Nigeria “as a solution to the debilitating, ethical and ideological conflicts in my former party the ANPP”. This represents morality and integrity in party politics in Nigeria. General Buhari became the candidate of the quickly formed CPC. Even though he had no funds of his own, he rejected as gubernatorial candidates in his party some who wanted to fund CPC with what he believed was ill-gotten wealth. Despite contesting against two other Muslim and Northern Nigeria Presidential candidates in the April 16, 2011 general election, - Mallam Nuhu Ribadu of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau of ANPP amongst twenty other contestants – General Buhari, the CPC Presidential candidate in the 16 April 2011 general election, was the main opponent of President Goodluck Jonathan of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

With barely one year to the presidential elections, Buhari had a hard time organizing ground support and had barely time for zonal rallies before the elections.  For instance, barely one week after I joined CPC in Imo State as the Deputy Gubernatorial candidate, the party (CPC) scheduled the Southeast zonal rally in Owerri. The PDP Governor Ikedi Ohakim of Imo State, denied CPC the use of the Owerri Stadium for the rally, denied the party the use of any other location in Owerri; refused even a courtesy call on him by the former President and Commander in Chief, General Buhari. The State Chairman of Imo State Council of Traditional Rulers refused a courtesy call by General Buhari. I had to overnight organize the Southeast zonal CPC rally in front of Our Lady’s School, Emekuku, my home town. To fill up the program, I arranged a courtesy call on the Catholic Archbishop of Owerri, Dr. Anthony Obinna (incidentally a native of Emekuku) who gave me one sole condition that no pictures of the visit would be allowed to be taken. I also finally a courtesy call on the traditional ruler of Emekuku, Eze Peter Obi. People traveled from all corners of South Eastern states to the rally that saw over a hundred thousand participants. Yet when the presidential election came votes were counted in my Emekuku polling station, my own vote apparently disappeared as Buhari scored zero votes at the polling station and some CPC party agents who tried to follow the ballot box to the Owerri North Local Government collating center at Uratta, came back with broken skulls.

Where then in 2011 did the 22,495,187 votes for President Jonathan come from when he only scored 12,853,162 in 2015? General Buhari’s winning score of 15,424,921 votes in 2015 was a mere marginal increase over his losing score of 12,214,853 votes in 2011. The introduction of PVC in 2015 more than any other measure curtailed the inordinate harvesting of spurious votes but it did not eliminate it because the real or engineered malfunction of card readers and the substitution of voting with incident forms became the new vehicle for vote rigging and inflation of votes. In the actual so-called election 2011, President Goodluck Jonathan of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) thus scored 22,495,187 votes to CPC General Buhari’s 12,214,853. The valid votes cast were quoted by INEC as 39,469,484 with 1,259,506as invalid votes. The turn-out was put at 53%. When compared with the 2015 election figures of 67,422,005 registered voters and the figure of 56,431,255 as those who collected their PVC and the actual number (29,432,083) of people who voted, one can deduce that the rigging in 2011 and consequent vote inflation surpassed the worst fears of many. It is interesting to note that the combined votes of General Buhari (CPC), Nuhu Ribadu (ACN) and Ibrahim Shekarau (ANPP) totaled 15,211,016 in 2011, a few votes shy of the 15,424,921 votes secured by General Buhari in 2015 to win the Presidential election.

Morality and Integrity in Politics

The formation of All Progressives Congress (APC) was due to the collective effort and personal sacrifices made by the leaders and members of the Legacy Parties. That was the epitome of morality and integrity in politics. President Jonathan, in defeat also became magnanimous by conceding even before INEC announced the actual results of the 2015 presidential elections. Supporters of the President took the cue and saved the country Nigeria from violence and kata-kata and possible disintegration. The country had had enough of it already. Congratulations galore flowed from all over the country, all deserved and merited - from friends and foes, some out of sportsmanship, others out of greed, avarice and pandering. Overnight, the worst enemies of the opposition party and their antecedents the past fifteen years now defect in droves to the winning All Progressives Congress (APC). Politics should be made of sterner stuff, of greater morality and integrity. Congratulations to the winner are understandable and commendable but defection from PDP to APC within hours of APC victory is self-serving, reprehensible and offensive. General Buhari has maintained his moral and political integrity all these years and refused even to serve in Yar’Adua’s government when invited to do so and had leave the ANPP on the basis of principle when ANPP, his party elected to join the PDP government. What respect then would a man like Buhari have for those apostles of Any Government In Power (AGIP) who defect to the winning party on the morning of victory?. Politics should be made of sterner stuff and greater integrity and morality. The five PDP governors that left the governing party PDP and joined the nascent opposition party APC not only showed political courage but moral integrity in the face of the venomous and slanderous onslaught from the impolitic elements that surrounded and led a President Jonathan who was rather lukewarm to a second or third term. We salute the courage of PDP members of the National Assembly who defected from PDP when they had nothing to gain but everything to lose.

A Buhari government should and could appoint men of integrity (and some there are) from the PDP because of their integrity, expertise and devotion to the nation. A Monday morning defection from PDP to APC should be enough reason for a PDP candidate to be disqualified from consideration for any meaningful post in an APC government. The Good Lord once said: “I have chosen you, you have not chosen me.” For the growth of democracy in Nigeria, PDP must not be allowed or helped to crumble leading to a one party system. Only 2,357,854 presidential election votes separate APC from PDP whose members should show political courage and moral integrity like General Buhari, rebuild the party, dress themselves in a newer fashion and robes and look for less difficult electorate to paraphrase Oliver Goldsmith’s She Stoops to Conquer.

Dr. S. Okechukwu Mezu



Tuesday, December 16, 2014

The Challenges of Ndi Igbo



Igbo Nation 
 History, Challenges of Rebirth and Development (Volume One )
By S Okechukwu Mezu and T Uzodinma Nwala

Igbo Nation: History, Challenges of Rebirth and Development is a chronicle of the Igbo past, the challenges Ndi Igbo have faced across the centuries, how Igbos have survived discrimination, pogrom, genocide and how now they stand on the threshold of a new renaissance that will make their numbers and business, intellectual and scientific acumen manifest the world over. They probably constitute the single largest ethnic group in the world and geographically, Ndi Igbo regard Igboland as the center of the earth. Present state of Igbo studies and research tend to lend credence to the postulation that Ndi Igbo were part of the original inhabitants of the earth before their migration to other parts of the world as we know it today.




http://www.amazon.com/dp/B00QVWCL26/ref=nosim/?tag=chickenajourn-20





Response by Adeyinka Makinde

I would like to browse/read through this at some point in the future. My fear is that much of the content of this work will contain assertions and thesis of debatable historicity.

What one looks for as we struggle to discover and re-define the black African soul is a substantive level of introspection in the tradition of hermetic thinking. How deep does this work attempt to penetrate the psyche of the Igbo-African? Or is it just another exercise in expressions of a crudely contrived nationalism. A lot of cultures consider themselves to be at the centre of the universe. 

The Yoruba of western Nigeria have the Oduduwa myth of the man descended from heaven to an earthly watery waste on a chain while holding a cockerel, earth and a palm nut. The Japanese on the other had have the godess Amaterasu-omikami and the creation of Yamato culture.

I have never before heard of this thesis of Igboland being at the centre of the world.The purported similarities between Igbo and Japanese words needs to be handled with extreme caution. There are other Nigerian/African languages which have words which are same or similar to Japanese. In fact, there has been enough research to ascribe to Far East Asian languages a near African languages theory.

There will be those who will smirk at certain Igbos attempting to position themselves with Japanese and wonder whether this effort has supplanted the previous efforts to ascribe Igbos with Hebrew-Judaic origins.

Why is less effort being put into discovering the links with fellow black Africans particularly with those in West Africa who form the ‘Kwa’ language group? Igbo is like Ashanti, Yoruba, Bini etc a member of this language group. The Igbos are a black African people and attempts geared towards ‘proving’ links with Jews and Japanese people may be suggestive of having an inferiority complex.

Recent Igbo history has been mired by persecution, pogrom, marginalisation: all palpable evidence of rejection by their neighbours. But such rejection also applies to the wider world particularly to the United States and Western European nations who for the most part did not support their bid for secession in the 1960s.

All this talk of a renaissance is misguided. We can admire the remnants of discovered artefacts from the civilisation of Igbo-Ukwu. But the existence of a presumed empire of Biafra is thoroughly discredited. The Igbos were a disparate group of village-dwelling farmers, artisans, hunters etc who arguably did not develop into a feudal system of social organisation.

Igbo communities, particularly the Aro were involved in the trans-Atlantic slave trade. Where does this fit into the scheme of effecting a renaissance? I have heard of Igbos constituting much of the slave populations in the Americas with much pride being expended on Igbo descendants been part of ‘Igbo landing’ in the Carolinas and slave revolts.

They acknowledge that Igbo were the most plentiful of African groups in Haiti scene of the first independent, black-run country in the Western Hemisphere. But Haiti remains the most impoverished nation in the Western Hemisphere.

A different course needs to be taken among African intellectuals in terms of how history is constructed. The aura of superficiality pervades a lot of works and I fear this is the case here - no matter how detailed it is.

If this work fails to carry out a detailed deconstruction of the psyche of the Igbo-African mind and critically explores the underlying impulses behind his creativity, enterprise and self-destructive tendencies then it is an utterly worthless endeavour.